
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON 

In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon.
To do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II
and, of course, a man named Dulles. 

The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be
appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began
with one. Loftus and Aarons state that: 

"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard
Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer
temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The
documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing,
"former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel,
Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal
Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records
regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war
Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped
peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'" 

The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his
Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an
anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests
in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud
[King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company].
If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him,
including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval
Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records." 

According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young
navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon
would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles
"arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against
Jerry Voorhis." (1) Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as
the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles
considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential
government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger
Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under
their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter'
operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young
congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [He would be
useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won
reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2) 

After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's
mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received
volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman
administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in
his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door
neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away
from the intelligence community.

     "The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the
     reason for it.  Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of
     the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief,
     Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European
     emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British,
     and finally Dulles.
     
     "The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the
     United States less for intelligence purposes than for political
     advantage.  The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for
     the Republicans.  One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when
     Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the
     Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman.  In the eyes of
     the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western
     intelligence with Nazi recruits.
     
     "In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the
     Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly,
     recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States
     after World War II.  Like similar migrant organizations in several
     Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant
     number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been
     recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the
     Holocaust.  These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon
     'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into
     power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution
     'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired
one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former
member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But
in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political
organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning,
the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles
and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . .
." (3) 

This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because
both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to
Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When
[Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined
to build his own ethnic base.

     "Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews
     in American politics was never investigated at the time.  The
     foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups
     had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern
     European ethnic bloc.  There is a very high correlation between CIA
     domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s
     and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign
     groups.  The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon
     used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.
     
     "In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican
     National Committee.  'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to
     power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with
     the committee.  In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the
     immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the
     SS.  They flooded into the country.  Nixon himself oversaw the new
     immigration program.  As vice president, he even received Eastern
     European Fascists in the White House.  After a long, long journey,
     the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where
     they reestablished their networks.
     
     "In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election,
     he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican
     party.  Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only
     during presidential campaigns.  Nixon's promise was carried out
     after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman
     of the Republican National Committee.  The Croatian Ustashis became
     an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics,
     along with several other Fascist organizations."  (4)

The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms:
"Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential
campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the
Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised
Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5) 

One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor,
described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's
Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was
a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi
Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.

     "[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved
     Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council.
     Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as
     the council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist
     organizations.'  The former Fascists were coming out of the closet
     in droves.
     
     "The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre
     Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff,
     head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American
     Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN).  .  .  .  an
     organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists.  Yet
     Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to
     breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week."
     (6)
     
     "During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo
     Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote.  No
     longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position
     as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director.  .
     .  .
     
     "The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense.
     [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's
     Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the
     November 1971 convention.  Among those mentioned was Laszlo
     Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was
     never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP
     officials who interviewed him for his job.'  It was too
     embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking
     member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.
     
     ".  .  .  .  It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European
     Fascist movements in the Republican party.  It is quite another to
     let the German Nazis have a major influence.  After 1953, the
     Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of
     the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they
     claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front."
     (7)

The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J.
Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High
Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone
write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall,
a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top
of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman,
Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many
others. 

     "The selection of German names was no accident.  Many of the
     brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the
     University of Southern California, and the University of California
     at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the
     vision of a new Reich.  America has for a long time harbored this
     dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of
     Wagner and Hitler.
     
     "But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will'
     was the most alive.  Some of these men would watch the great Nazi
     propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours
     of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with
     blind ambition, as one of them wrote."  (8)
     
     "According to several of our sources in the intelligence community
     who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the
     secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read
     like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives.  The Republican's Nazi
     connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership.  The
     rosters will never be disclosed to the public.  As will be seen in
     Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too
     widespread for damage control.
     
     "According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research
     Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War
     II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon
     administration.  The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can
     be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass
     murderer from what is today called the independent nation of
     Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union.  But not all American
     ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section;
     there are no black or Jewish heritage groups.  .  .  .
     
     "The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no
     one knew how to get rid of.  Dulles had brought in a handful of the
     top emigre politicians in the late 1940s.  They in turn sponsored
     their friends in the 1950s.  By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had
     originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United States.  .
     .  ."  (9)

It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party
Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of
having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a
matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the
Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds,
money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the
political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the
involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination
of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and
many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to
open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the
American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his
hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford. 



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

1. The Secret War Against the Jews, p.  221

2. Ibid., pp.  221-222

3. Ibid., pp.  222-223

4. Ibid., pp.  122-123

5. Ibid., pp.  224-225

6. Ibid., pp.  297-298

7. Ibid., pp.  298-299

8. High Treason, Robert J.  Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp.
   417-418

9. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp.  300-301

